PROMIS Connections to Cheney Control of
9/11 Attacks Confirmed

by Michael Kane

“I believe that Dick Cheney also had the ability using evolutions of the PROMIS software, to penetrate and override any other radar computer or communications system in the government.”

– Mike Ruppert, in “Summation: Ladies and Gentlemen of the Jury,” from Crossing The Rubicon, p.592

[At the heart of our story is a program (we’ll call it Ptech, after the company that produced it) that combines artificial intelligence, datamining, and “interoperability,” the capacity for one program to read, operate, and modify the source codes of other programs. The computational power of the Ptech evolution of PROMIS represents a daunting new surveillance-and-intervention capability in the hands of the same elites who planned 9/11, prosecute the subsequent resource wars, and are presiding over what may become a full economic and military disaster for the resource-consuming citizens of America and the world. Since the “War On Terror” and the coming dollar/fossil fuel collapse will necessitate new levels of domestic repression, this is just the capability those elites require. Ptech is the functional equivalent of Total Information Awareness.

The human side of Ptech is where the thievery and murder come in: among the financiers and programmers of Ptech are apparent members of an international network of organized criminals involved in decades of narcotraffic, gunrunning, money laundering, and terrorism. Their personal and professional connections reach up into the highest levels of the American government, and their activities are still underway.

The issue of Saudi complicity in the attacks of 9/11 has played out into two different views. The first is the idea that the Saudis were solely responsible. This has been pumped up by Fox News and largely accepted as gospel in certain parts of the mainstream media. The second view is that the Saudis were set up to take the fall for having pulled off 9/11, covering up U.S. complicity. Neither view is correct, and both depend on a mistaken view of that country as a monolithic, homogeneous actor on the world stage. The opposite is true.

At the top of Arabian society is the giant royal House of Saud, descendants of Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud, a charismatic warlord who used religious and marital alliances to consolidate his military conquests and, eventually, found a modern state on the Arabian Peninsula in 1932. Ibn Saud’s success was partially dependent on his powerful religious allies, the inheritors of a doctrinaire form of Islam founded by the cleric Mohammed bin Abdul Wahhab (1702 – 1793). That coalition became increasingly unstable with the massive influx of oil wealth that began shortly after the first Arabian discoveries by SoCal (now Chevron) and Texaco, also in the 1930’s.

Like virtually all Islamic states, Saudi Arabia has been the target of ongoing efforts by American intelligence aimed at suppressing any stirrings of incipient secular leftism. This is opposed, we believe, to what may be convenient and clandestine support for “al-Qaeda” terrorists (i.e. fundamentalists), acting as US proxies, who might destabilize the kingdom in advance of the US carving off only those regions with oil reserves. Socially polarized oil wealth, the ever-changing Arab-Israeli conflict, and American geopolitical maneuvering configure a daunting matrix of hidden forces that can’t be fully understood or managed – not least because the intelligence elements are often double or triple agents with inscrutable loyalties.

The Ptech story is of intense interest for its implications about US government guilt in 9/11. As Ralph Schoenman, Michel Chossudovsky, Paul Thompson and others have argued, “al Qaeda” is not only traceable to CIA activity in Pakistan and Afghanistan during the Soviet period, it is also a current tool of American imperial ambitions. That directly contradicts the official story, in which al Qaeda is the foreign devil incarnate, a militant hate group formed straight from the soil of Saudi ideology – with no economic grievances, no interests in common with anyone in the non-Muslim world, and above all, no connections to the United States through funding, personnel, armaments, drug trafficking, visa assistance, or communications. It certainly is a militant hate group, but the rank and file may be totally unaware of real connections between their own leaders and the people they oppose with their very lives. These disturbing links would be just as agonizing – and just as unthinkable – for American citizens as they would be for a militant Islamist teenager in a ski mask jumping hurdles at some secret training camp.

Beneficiaries of the Ptech-connected MAK charities, the young men in Hezbollah and Hamas are fighting in land disputes, not heady ideological quests. They are also bitter, bereaved, murderous bigots with all the psychic rigidity and hysteria found in fundamentalists from Oklahoma to Hebron to Jeddah. Their hatred of the American national security state is surely absolute, but they are also beneficiaries of the Pentagon’s need for an Enemy. That means that they can expect the United States to provide covert help of some kind at crucial points in the game. And the most despicable element in the American side of that process is the Bush-Cheney junta itself, which used its own assets inside the terrorist network associated with Osama bin Laden to murder three thousand civilians in New York, Washington, and Pennsylvania as a pretext for unending warfare. This was done for reasons of state. But it was also done for personal gratifications including vast sums of money, permanent blackmail over those involved, and a heroin-like rush of criminally insane individual power. Sophisticated or naïve, cynical or grandiose and idealistic, each person involved betrayed humanity. And the apparatus that permitted this remains in place – as do most of the personnel.

The solution to the Ptech problem is not just to get all that creepy software the hell off the computers. The bigger solution is transparency and disclosure, de-militarization and political internationalism; localization of production and exchange; and a more equitable distribution of resources and opportunity. As Stan Goff has explained in these pages, the word opportunity does not necessarily refer to competition for purchasing power and domination. It means the opportunity to grow Haitian rice in Haiti and sell it in Haiti, without having to contend with the export dumping of American corporate agribusiness. It means the chance to maintain a tribal existence in an Afghanistan that is neither the proving ground for a US-Soviet proxy war nor the playground of American-funded drug lords. And though all ideals are warped by the rigors of practice, this was the point of President Kennedy’s de-escalation in Laos, his Alliance for Progress in Latin America, and his refusal to invade Cuba:

What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children–not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women–not merely peace in our time but peace for all time.

Now let’s get back to the business of sticking up for people who were murdered on 9/11 and in its aftermath, and to diminishing the present danger. – JAH].

Clilck on link for the rest of the article PTECH, 9/11, and USA-SAUDI TERROR Part II