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9/11 – A Cheap Magic Trick

How false flag attacks are manufactured by the world's elite.


Archive for February, 2011

by Jeremy R. Hammond
February 15, 2011
The Foreign Policy Journal

According to the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), videos of the collapse of the 47-story World Trade Center 7 on September 11, 2001 show the building succumbing to a fire-induced progressive collapse. Many independent researchers and scientists, however, including over 1,400 professional architects and engineers who have signed a petition calling for a new investigation, disagree, pointing to evidence that it was deliberately brought down in a controlled demolition.

Despite the dramatically different conclusions drawn, there does exist widespread agreement on both sides on a number of important questions. Proponents of both hypotheses agree that the damage to WTC 7 sustained from the impact of debris from the collapse of the north tower (WTC 1) was not an initiating or determinative factor in the collapse. Both sides also agree that the system of transfer trusses and girders in the building that allowed it to be constructed above the Consolidated Edison New York electric power substation played no role in the collapse, that hypothetical fuel oil fires from tanks stored in the building for emergency generators was not a causal factor, and that the office fires did not result in any significant loss of strength of the building’s load-bearing steel columns.

While NIST initially denied that the building achieved gravitational acceleration during its collapse in its draft report for public comment, it was forced to acknowledge that this was indeed the case in its final report after high school physics teacher David Chandler submitted his own analysis showing that the building collapsed at free-fall for approximately 2.5 seconds, and that there was a sudden onset of free-fall. According to NIST, the period of free-fall was 2.25 seconds.

Link to the rest of the article The Mysterious Collapse of World Trade Center 7: Case Far From Closed

“The world is governed by very different personages from what is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes.”
Benjamin Disraeli

The Bush’s have a long history of criminal activity in association with other wealthy families in America including the Rockefellers, Harrimans, Bechtels, Dulles, Browns and others. Behind the fortunes of many of these families has been Jewish money and Jewish patronage.

In particular the Rothschild bankers provided the capital to start businesses or undertake major development projects using American WASPs as frontmen. This became a template for conducting business throughout the world with bankers (many of the Jewish) supplying the capital. Local corrupt politicians and businessmen were recruited as frontmen with the locals getting stuck with the bill. (See The World Order by Eustace Mullins and Confessions of an Economic Hitman by John Perkins)

Prescott Bush, father of George H. W. Bush (Poppy), was the founding member of the family dynasty when he became a partner in Brown Brothers Harriman. His career was greased after he married into the Walker family – a wealthy banking and business family located in St. Louis.

The Walkers, and later the Bushs, were involved in both the Bolshevik revolution and the establishment of Nazi Germany. George Herbert Walker, along with Pierre DuPont, Otto Kahn, William Woodward, Robert Lovett, Frank Vanderlip, Percy Rockefeller, John D. Ryan, J.A. Stillman, and others were principals in the American International Corporation which was formed to provide continuing financial assistance to the Bolsheviks after initial funding was provided by Jewish bankers like the Rothschilds and Schiffs.

In the 1930s Prescott Bush became a director and shareholder of companies that profited from their involvement with the financial backers of Nazi Germany. Files in the US National Archives confirm that a firm of which Prescott Bush was a director was involved with the financial architects of Nazism. His business dealings, which continued until his company’s assets were seized in 1942 under the Trading with the Enemy Act, led to a civil action for damages being brought in Germany against the Bush family by two former slave labourers at Auschwitz.

Both Prescott Bush and George H. W. Bush were involved in the assassination of President John Kennedy according to witnesses and a recent book about the Bush’s called Family of Secrets by Russ Baker. (Click on the link to hear an interview with Russ Baker)

Later George H.W. Bush went on to become Director of the CIA. The CIA acts as the intelligence arm of the Council on Foreign Relations – the organization that effectively runs the American government. The Bush family has long been involved in drug and weapons smuggling on behalf of the banks and defense related corporations using government agencies like the CIA as cover. George H.W. Bush was implicated, along with Bill Clinton, of smuggling drugs when Clinton was Governor of Arkansas and George H.W. Bush was Vice-President. This is according to Catherine Austin Fitts who was Assistant Secretary of Housing and Federal Housing Commissioner at the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) during the presidency of George H.W. Bush. Fitts also alleges that the Bush and Clinton administrations were involved in laundering drug money through HUD.

The Family that Preys Together, Stays Together

On 9/11 members of the Bush family were connected to the crime in various ways. Eight months before 9/11 President George W. Bush told his staff to find an excuse to bring about regime change in Iraq. On 9/11, his alibi was he was in Florida reading a book about a pet goat while the country was under attack.

His brother Jeb Bush was a member of the Project for the New American Century – the planning group for the 9/11 attacks. The night following the 9/11 attacks, Jeb Bush and federal agents raided Huffman Aviation – the Florida flight school of Mohammed Atta and other 9/11 hijackers – and seized their records and loaded them onto a C-130. Those records have never been seen again.

Marvin P. Bush, the president’s younger brother, was a principal in a company called Securacom that provided security for the World Trade Center, United Airlines, and Dulles International Airport.

No doubt George Bush Senior played a role in managing the entire 9/11 attacks as well but it was behind the scenes.

As result of 9/11, the Bush family and associates have profited immensely. George Bush Senior went on to became a consultant on Asia for the Carlyle Group which is the 11th largest military contractor in the country. Halliburton/KBR received billions in no bid contracts with the government. Halliburton is Cheney’s old company.

According to the Congressional Research Service, the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and other global war on terror operations have cost about $1.56 trillion to about $1.88 trillion for the period 2001 to 2020. The Cost of Iraq, Afghanistan, and Other Global War on Terror Operations Since 9/11.  This does not include the $2.3 trillion missing from the Pentagon that Rumsfeld reported on the day before the attacks. That story that went away with 9/11. 

The “war on terror” has given the Council on Foreign Relations control over the oil and mineral resources of Iraq and Central Asia. Now they also control the largest source of opium in the world in Afghanistan. Not a bad heist for America’s native criminal class.

Additional sources: The Bush “Dynasty of Death:” Four Generations of Wall Street War-Making and War-Profiteering

by Sheldon Richman,
Posted February 9, 2011
The Future of Freedom Foundation

Militarism is the one great glamorous public-works project upon which a variety of elements in the community can be brought into agreement.

— John T. Flynn, As We Go Marching (1944)

Those who understand the exploitative nature of big government realized that the U.S. response to the 9/11 attacks had little to do with the security of the American people and much to do with power and money. Still, the magnitude of the scam, as revealed in July by the Washington Post series “Top Secret America,” is truly astonishing.

Naturally, the politicians justify the massive growth in intelligence operations — that is, spying — on national-security grounds. To make sure such attacks never happen again, they said, new powers, agencies, personnel, and facilities are imperative. But now the truth is known: the post–9/11 activity has been an obscene feeding frenzy at the public trough. Any resemblance to efforts at keeping Americans safe is strictly coincidental. Any lingering doubts that America has a productive class and a parasitic class are now dispelled.

“The top-secret world the government created in response to the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, has become so large, so unwieldy and so secretive that no one knows how much money it costs, how many people it employs, how many programs exist within it or exactly how many agencies do the same work,” the Post’s Dana Priest and William Arkin wrote after a two-year investigation. “After nine years of unprecedented spending and growth, the result is that the system put in place to keep the United States safe is so massive that its effectiveness is impossible to determine.”

It would be a mistake to chalk that up to bureaucratic bumbling. It is not bumbling (though of course there is some of that). It is highway robbery. Everyone who was well connected, either in government or the “private” sector, wanted a piece of the action, and the chances are he — and many others — got it.

It doesn’t matter that multiple agencies do the same work and keep their findings secret from one another. It doesn’t matter that the volume of paperwork is beyond anyone’s capacity to absorb it. It doesn’t matter that nothing of value is produced even by the reckoning of insiders. What matters is money, power, and prestige. That is the mother of all boondoggles.

Chew on some of the numbers from the Post investigation and see whether it sounds as though protection of our society was a national-intelligence priority:

“Some 1,271 government organizations and 1,931 private companies work on programs related to counterterrorism, homeland security and intelligence in about 10,000 locations across the United States.”

“An estimated 854,000 people, nearly 1.5 times as many people as live in Washington, D.C., hold top-secret security clearances.”

Click on link for the rest of the article The Post–9/11 Feeding Frenzy

Reviewed by Kevin Ryan

Having read a few of Peter Dale Scott’s earlier books, I was looking forward to his new work, American War Machine. I was not disappointed. Published by Roman & Littlefield in late 2010, this book examines a wide-ranging number of covert US operations since World War II, and, among other things, demonstrates that many of these operations were intimately connected with, and dependent on, illicit drug trafficking. Although my background and experience do not qualify me to write an authoritative review of this important book, I hope that my impressions will compel others to read it.

Scott previously defined concepts such as deep events, deep politics and the deep state, to refer to covert mechanisms that facilitate the strategies of the politically minded rich, a group otherwise referred to as the overworld. Deep events, which Scott defines as those which are “systematically ignored or falsified in the mainstream media and public consciousness,” can be seen as sharing certain features, such as cover-up of evidence and irresoluble controversy over what happened. These features contribute to a suppressed memory of the event among the general public. Deep events are often associated with illegally sanctioned violence, and involve little known, but historically evident, cooperation between leaders of the state and organized crime.

In American War Machine, Scott sets out to write the first “deep history” of such events, politics and state entities. As he writes: “In my experience, deep events are better understood collectively than in isolation. When looked at together, they constitute a large pattern, that of deep history.”

Some of the more well known deep events are briefly reviewed, such as the JFK assassination and Tonkin Gulf incident, as well as the plans known as Operation Northwoods. Scott also makes clear that he now sees 9/11 as not only a deep event, but a “constitutional deep event” in that the implementation of continuity of government (COG) plans, as a result of 9/11, means that the US constitution has been circumvented in favor of what former assistant attorney general, Jack Goldsmith, called the “Terror Presidency.” The latter office has been exploited by an influential power group, among whose major operatives are Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld, to pursue long-standing goals of US global domination at the expense of citizen protections as has been done with warrantless surveillance, warrantless detention and suspension of habeas corpus.

One great value of Scott’s writing is that, as with the “deep” terms, he provides us with a wealth of new intelligent language that allows people to discuss matters that otherwise either leave too much to uncertainty or, alternatively, generate confusing and unsupported assumptions. With phrases like “global dominance machine” and the “global drug connection” we can better attribute acts and plans to an influential and interconnected transnational organization that is not yet fully defined, while at the same time not oversimplifying by implying that the US government is always to blame. On the other hand, the “war machine” is a US-based construct that has been used to enforce those acts and plans, and therefore the term war machine helps take us a step closer to seeing how the US government relates to the global dominance machine.

Another great value of the book is the tremendous historical perspective provided for the origins and changing patterns of the global drug connection. Scott begins this history lesson by examining the certain characters involved in the World War II era intelligence agency called the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the birth of the National Security Council and the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC).
The book describes how leaders of the wartime OSS, including William Donovan and Allen Dulles, lobbied for the creation of the CIA through the National Security Act of 1947. At the same time, however, they created private alternatives for covert operations that would operate outside of government control, such as the World Commerce Corporation (WCC).

As CIA executive director, Buzzy Krongard, would later say – “”the whole OSS was really nothing but Wall Street bankers and lawyers.” Scott confirms this by writing that, when the CIA was created, it was dominated by “aristocratic elements of the New York overworld.” Despite this fact, and despite the creation of privately controlled CIA-like alternatives, a secret government funded organization was authorized by the National Security Council a year later. This was the OPC, led by Allen Dulles and Frank Wisner, a State Department official who wielded unprecedented power due to his position in New York law and financial circles.

What American War Machine covers most well are the operations that the OPC and CIA engaged in that contributed to the establishment and growth of drug trafficking and terrorism throughout the world. Scott writes: “After World War II, the United States, along with Britain and France, recurrently used both drug networks and terrorist groups as assets or proxies in the Cold War.”

The book begins this discussion in Mexico, where a global drug connection consisting of major organized crime figures and US covert operatives worked together to give birth to a national narcosystem that competed for control of the entire country for many years. The Mexican drug problem was pre-existing, and Scott describes how it grew as a result of a reduction in Chinese opium production in the 1930s. In the late 1940s, however, the Mexican Federal Security Directorate (DFS), which was “setup with FBI assistance” and “partly managed and protected by its sister organization, the CIA,” developed an “institutional relationship with drug traffickers [who] supplied recruits for off-the-books governmental violence.”

The DFS became a protector of the drug traffickers and “both in turn were protected by elements in the CIA.” The Mexican drug traffic, which was a primary factor in the introduction of drugs to the US and Canada, was also dominated by major figures in international organized crime, such as Meyer Lansky, Bugsy Siegel, and “Lucky” Luciano. It was also controlled by the OPC Mexico station chief, E. Howard Hunt, who later was convicted in the Watergate scandal.

In the early 1950s, Operation Paper was a US initiative to supply arms and materiel to the opium-trafficking Kuotmintang (KMT) in Burma, for the purpose of invading the southern Chinese province of Yunnan. Hunt and Lansky both had pre-war KMT connections (as did OSS chief Donovan) and were apparently instrumental in developing the flow of Chinese opium to Mexico via the KMT. Hunt had been an OSS agent under Paul Helliwell in Kunming, which was “a station that had made payments to its agents in opium.”

Helliwell is an important figure in the context of American War Machine. He coordinated the purchase of General Claire Chennault’s Civil Air Transport (CAT), an offshoot of the wartime “Flying Tigers” that later was modified for transport of drugs through Taiwan. CAT is the predecessor of Air America, the air corps that the CIA utilized for drug-running out of Southeast Asia.

Paul Helliwell also incorporated a CIA-proprietary firm called Sea Supply, Inc. which funneled funds to OPC agents, including Bangkok-based Willis Bird, and supplied covert operatives in Thailand. Through such mechanisms, and at a time when Chinese opium production was vanishing, “US covert support for the Thai and KMT drug traffickers converted Southeast Asia, for more than two decades, into the world’s major source of opium and heroin.”

In 1953, OSS chief Donovan was named ambassador to Thailand, with additional powers as “Personal Representative of the President.” Donovan’s power in the region allowed for the OPC and the players who formed WCC to dominate the international drug trade under the guise of fighting the spread of communism. Thai organizations like the Thai Border Police (BPP) and the Police Aerial Reinforcement Unit (PARU) were developed into off-the-books paramilitary resources for US dominance in Southeast Asia and were paid in part through the drug trade and also through CIA funding.

Although Scott takes pains to recognize that some of these maneuvers might have actually stabilized the region (e.g. BPP activities), he also emphasizes how important these activities were to long-term US foreign policy. He writes that, overall, this was how a bureaucratic cabal used Thailand as a base to, over a decade, “induce US military engagement in Southeast Asia in advance of presidential authority or even knowledge. By 1965, if not earlier, this engagement had produced the Vietnam War.”

The book moves on to Laos, where in the early 1960s the CIA attempted to polarize the communist and anti-communist factions of the nation using the cross-border forces of PARU. CIA-controlled KMT forces from Burma joined in this effort. Scott describes how US intelligence agency leaders simultaneously manipulated President Eisenhower, and shows that long-term war in Laos and Vietnam was initiated without approval from the US government and was driven primarily by overworld concerns.

The Golden Triangle encompassing Burma, Thailand and Laos, was for many years the largest opium producing region in the world. Scott writes about how CIA-supported drug proxies and the de-facto protection they conferred on the opium trade in this and similar drug producing regions (e.g. the Golden Crescent) is “clearly a major historical factor for the world crime scourge today.”

The de-facto protection conferred upon drug traffickers by the CIA included protection of some of the dominant figures in organized crime, who were in some cases also involved in high-level CIA paramilitary operations. Theodore Shackley, the CIA station chief in Miami who was responsible for the failed operations aimed at overthrowing Castro in the early 1960s, became CIA station chief in Laos in 1966. Scott writes about mobster John Roselli’s ties to Shackley operations, and provides evidence that Santo Trafficante, the biggest rival of Meyer Lansky, might have also been working with Shackley representatives in Laos.

The 1971 declaration of a “war on drugs” by President Nixon resulted in the targeting of Turkey as an opium source but, in effect, also resulted in the growth of the opium production in Southeast Asia. The Golden Triangle continued to lead in opium production until US interests moved from that region to Afghanistan. Deep state activities continued to play a major role in the transition of drug production from one region to another.

Chapter 7 of American War Machine is perhaps the most interesting, as it describes the global drug connection and its ties to a “shadow CIA,” which has functioned as a tool for international overworld interests including those referred to as the Safari Club. OPC officer Paul Helliwell figures prominently in this chapter, in part for his role in creating the CIA-related Castle Bank, which laundered money and helped finance off-the-books operations, and for his ties to organized crime. Castle Bank’s connections to the overworld are discussed as are its links to OSS agent C.V. Starr, whose insurance empire evolved into the company we know as AIG. This chapter also introduces Adnan Khashoggi, who appears throughout the deep history of US foreign policy and played a major role in the activities of Castle Bank’s successor, the Bank of Credit and Commercial International (BCCI).

Scott writes about some of the deep events in which these players converge. He states that — “BCCI provided the initial infrastructure for the CIA intervention in Afghanistan in 1979 and the ensuing alliance with the major drug trafficker Gulbeddin Hekmatyar.” Additionally, “Shackley, Khashoggi, and BCCI were instrumental in inaugurating the illegal Iran-Contra connection of 1985-1986.”

The book makes some interesting references to an OPC successor organization created by the Pentagon and run by Shackley’s OPC colleague and Operation Paper overseer, Richard Stillwell, called the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC). Scott notes that the JSOC was created in 1980 and by 1981 was, according to Joseph Trento, “one of the most secret operations of the US government.” This reader was led to consider that the JSOC might be controlled in part by the shadow CIA, as are other military and intelligence organizations such as Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).

A description of the war machine in chapter 8 includes the role played by private armies and private intelligence companies. Firms such as Blackwater and Science Applications International (SAIC) are briefly discussed but the focus turns to lesser known companies including Diligence LLC and Far West Ltd.

Chapter 9 reviews the implications of the 9/11 events in light of other deep events, without going into detail about what happened on 9/11 or who might have been responsible. Scott does, however, state that – “Without understanding the details, we can safely conclude that operations of the CIA were somehow implicated, whether innocently or conspiratorially, in the background of both the JFK assassination and 9/11.” It is worthwhile to consider Scott’s perspective that “9/11 is not wholly without precedent in US history. It should be seen not as a unique departure from orderly constitutional government – a coup d’etat – but as yet another deep event of the sort that has continued to erode the American constitutional system of open politics and liberties.”

The book concludes by discussing the role of the US under Obama in Afghanistan, and the fact that Afghanistan has become the world’s largest producer of opium and heroin. Intriguing remarks about BCCI, Pakistan’s ISI, and US connections to a “global terrorist” named Dawood Ibrahim, make the final chapter interesting reading.

Overall, American War Machine is a remarkable collection of interwoven facts and concepts that provides an understandable framework for our previously unexplained deep history. As a 9/11 researcher, I found it to be an invaluable resource for my own education and for consideration of future work. As a citizen I can say it is a tremendous achievement that will, for many years to come, be useful to members of any free society that wish to remain free. Everyone should read this book.

Source Review of American War Machine

AE911Truth take the simple WTC physics to the streets, Chico, CA

Written by Tom Blankers
Monday, 07 February 2011
Source: Architects and Engineers for 9/11 Truth

Bringing the Simple WTC Physics to the Public

As 9/11 activists, one of the perplexing dilemmas we must overcome is the often frustrating process of community outreach. How do we get people to actually actually come and listen to us? What are the most effective and practical ways of raising awareness about the inconsistencies in the official 9/11 account?

One that I have found particularly successful is giving “street presentations.” I go to where the 9/11 newcomers are.

When the objective is to spread information and awareness to as many people as possible, giving presentations “on the street” is a strong working strategy, since people experience your outreach in a familiar place they feel comfortable with. Actually you’ll be on the sidewalk, not in the middle of the street, and you may even be able to set up a small table to show your literature and DVDs to passersby.

They don’t have to work to fit it in or pay an attendance fee. It also tends to be easier to ask questions and get a fully satisfactory answer when dealing with an everyday-looking person, like you, on the street than a formidable, official-looking person at a formal presentation. Furthermore, the small crowd of initial people attracts others who are walking by and thus can spread awareness even faster.

San Francisco

A week or two before I give a street presentation, I make a post on (an informative organization site) with the date, time, and location. I also include a short statement explaining our cause and emphasizing the fact that I will be speaking about the simple physics involved in the building collapses, not politics or conspiracy. I give my e-mail address and encourage people to come by and ask questions.

When giving the actual presentation, I keep the main focus on the physics, the forces acting on the buildings before and during the collapses. I point out that the official story, when compared to the actual features of the buildings’ destruction, simply doesn’t fit basic laws of physics. I emphasize these inconsistencies more than I point out the evidence of controlled demolition. This way, people are less inclined to associate me with the term “conspiracy theorists”. If I’m talking to somebody particularly skeptical, I may focus entirely on the physical inconsistencies and conclude the presentation with “Whatever is going on here, even if it is as simple as genuine human error, obviously calls for a reinvestigation” and I might not mention controlled demolition at all.

Click on link for rest of article 9/11 Street Presentations: A Quick Start Guide

First in a series – by Mark H. Gaffney
February 9, 2011

In his important 2006 book Nemesis, the Last Days of the American Republic, the third and concluding part of a trilogy, the late Chalmers Johnson, who was an expert on Japan and US foreign policy, writes that as much as 40% of the Pentagon budget is “black,” meaning hidden from public scrutiny.[i] If the figure is even approximately correct, and I believe it is, the number is alarming because it suggests that democratic oversight of US military research and development has broken down. In which case our democratic values and way of life are presently at risk; not from without, as there is no foreign enemy that can destroy the US Constitution, but from within.

I would argue that Chalmers Johnson’s estimate was corroborated on September 10, 2001, on the eve of the worst terrorist attack in US history, when Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld acknowledged during a press conference that the Department of Defense (DoD) could not account for $2.3 trillion of the massive Pentagon budge, a number so large as to be incomprehensible.[ii] Any remaining hope that the US military might still get its budgetary house in order were dashed at 9:38 AM the next morning when the west wing of the Pentagon exploded in flames and smoke, the target of a terrorist strike. Incredibly, the exact point of impact was the DoD’s accounting offices on the first floor. The surgical destruction of its records and staff, nearly all of whom died in the attack, raises important questions about who benefited from 9/11. Given the Pentagon’s vast size, the statistical odds against this being a coincidence prompted skeptics of the official story to read a dark design into the attack. As Deep Throat said: “Follow the money.”

Was the Pentagon accounting office destroyed because diabolical individuals had planned it that way? No question, the west wing presented a much more challenging target than the east wing. Targeting the west wing required a difficult approach over the Arlington skyline. The final approach was especially dicey and amounted to a downhill obstacle course, skirting apartments and also a large building complex known as the Naval Annex, which was smack in the way. The Annex is located about a quarter-mile from the Pentagon and sits atop a hill that rises from the flat ground along the Potomac River. When I interviewed Army Brigadier General Clyde Vaughn over the telephone, in April 2008, he explained that he was on his way to work at the Pentagon, on the morning of 9/11, via Shirley Highway (I-395) when the strike occurred. In my opinion, Vaughn is an especially credible witness because some of his remarks to CNN, that morning, did not conform with the official narrative about what happened.[iii] The general told me that the hijacked aircraft (presumably AA 77) just missed the Naval Annex and would have hit the US Air Force memorial that presently occupies the site, had the 270 feet-tall monument existed on 9/11. The new memorial was constructed in 2006 and dedicated the same year.

Why did the terrorists not take the easy approach up the Potomac River? The river approach would have afforded a reasonably good chance to crash the offices of Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, which which were located on the opposite side of the building, in the middle of the outer “E” ring. The location of their offices was no secret. Surely terrorists would have been more interested in decapitating the command structure of the US war machine than going after a bunch of accounting clerks.

For the rest of the article click on link Black 9/11: A Walk on the Dark Side

Paul Joseph Watson
February 8, 2011

New documents released under the Freedom of Information Act confirm that the FBI received a phone call the day before the Oklahoma City bombing warning that the attack was imminent, and that the feds tried to reach a deal with bomber Terry Nichols to take the death penalty off the table if he admitted making the call.

The documents were released to Salt Lake City lawyer Jesse Trentadue, who in the course of of a 15 year battle in trying to ascertain why his brother was tortured to death during an FBI interrogation related to the case, has all but proven the attack on the Alfred P. Murrah Building was an inside job run by FBI agents who were handling Timothy McVeigh.

“What that indicates to me, there is a record somewhere of that phone call and the FBI needs to explain it,” said Trentadue in an interview with KTOK News. “If the call was from one of their informants with McVeigh, clearly, they had knowledge of the bombing and didn’t stop it.”

The feds’ attempt to make Nichols accept responsibility for the phone call occurred in 2005 after Nichols was visited by an attorney named Michael Selby who claimed he was working for the government and would guarantee Nichols was spared the death penalty if he played ball in covering up FBI foreknowledge and involvement in the bombing plot.

“This was the first I had ever heard of such a telephone call having made made,” said Nichols in an affidavit filed recently in Utah U.S. District court. “And I told Mr. Selby that as well as the fact that I had not made that telephone call.”

Selby also tried to get Nichols to reveal the location of a box of explosives that the FBI failed to find during an initial search of Nichols’ home in 1995.

“He was fearful the FBI would come into possession of it and then no one would ever know who else was involved,” said Trentadue. “And his fears proved true because the FBI apparently found out about the box of explosives hidden in the basement (of the Nichols home) and got the box.”

McVeigh and Nichols’ fingerprints were found on the box, along with the fingerprints of at least two other individuals whose names were redacted by the FBI.

Click on link for the rest of the article Confirmed: FBI Got Warning Day Before OKC Bombing

More on the Oklahoma Bombing Top ten reasons to question the official story

In September 1947, the National Security Act established both the National Security Council and the Central Intelligence Agency.

The National Security Council Directive on Office of Special Projects, June 18, 1948 (NSC 10/2) further gave the CIA the authority to carry out covert operations “against hostile foreign states or groups or in support of friendly foreign states or groups but which are so planned and conducted that any US Government responsibility for them is not evident to unauthorized persons.”

In 1949, the Central Intelligence Agency Act authorized the agency to use confidential fiscal and administrative procedures, and exempting it from most of the usual limitations on the use of Federal funds. It also exempted the CIA from having to disclose its “organization, functions, officials, titles, salaries, or numbers of personnel employed.” It also created the program “PL-110″, to handle defectors and other “essential aliens” who fall outside normal immigration procedures, as well as giving those persons cover stories and economic support.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) is a civilian intelligence agency of the United States government responsible for providing national security intelligence to senior United States policymakers. The CIA also engages in covert activities at the request of the President of the United States.

It is the successor of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) formed during World War II to coordinate espionage activities between the branches of the United States military. The 1947 National Security Act established the CIA, affording it “no police or law enforcement functions, either at home or abroad”. One year later, this mandate was expanded to include[clarification needed] “sabotage, anti-sabotage, demolition and evacuation measures…subversion [and] assistance to underground resistance movements, guerrillas and refugee liberation movements, and support of indigenous anti-communist elements in threatened countries of the free world”.

The CIA’s primary function is to collect information about foreign governments, corporations, and individuals, and to advise public policymakers. The agency conducts covert operations and paramilitary actions, and exerts foreign political influence through its Special Activities Division. The CIA and its responsibilities changed markedly in 2004. Before December 2004, the CIA was the main intelligence organization of the US government; it coordinated and oversaw not only its own activities but also the activities of the US Intelligence Community (IC) as a whole. The Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 created the office of the Director of National Intelligence (DNI), which took over some of the government and IC-wide functions. The DNI manages the IC and therefore the intelligence cycle. The functions that moved to the DNI included the preparation of estimates of the consolidated opinion of the 16 IC agencies, and the preparation of briefings for the President of the United States.

A CIA Timeline Originally Complied by Steve Kangas from Liberalism Resurgent.
The following timeline describes just a few of the hundreds of atrocities and crimes committed by the CIA.

CIA operations follow the same recurring script. First, American business interests abroad are threatened by a popular or democratically elected leader. The people support their leader because he intends to conduct land reform, strengthen unions, redistribute wealth, nationalize foreign-owned industry, and regulate business to protect workers, consumers and the environment. So, on behalf of American business, and often with their help, the CIA mobilizes the opposition.

First it identifies right-wing groups within the country (usually the military), and offers them a deal: “We’ll put you in power if you maintain a favorable business climate for us.” The Agency then hires, trains and works with them to overthrow the existing government (usually a democracy). It uses every trick in the book: propaganda, stuffed ballot boxes, purchased elections, extortion, blackmail, sexual intrigue, false stories about opponents in the local media, infiltration and disruption of opposing political parties, kidnapping, beating, torture, intimidation, economic sabotage, death squads and even assassination. These efforts culminate in a military coup, which installs a right-wing dictator. The CIA trains the dictator’s security apparatus to crack down on the traditional enemies of big business, using interrogation, torture and murder. The victims are said to be “communists,” but almost always they are just peasants, liberals, moderates, labor union leaders, political opponents and advocates of free speech and democracy. Widespread human rights abuses follow.

For the rest of the article click on link The Covert Demonic Operation of the CIA

For additional reading click on link A Timeline of CIA Atrocities

Click on link for article ITALIAN SAYS 9-11 SOLVED

by Kevin Ryan
February 4, 2011
Foreign Policy Journal

The tragedy at the World Trade Center (WTC) on September 11th, 2001 continues to affect many thousands of first responders who sacrificed their own health while restoring lower Manhattan and attempting to recover survivors and victims’ remains. Recently, H.R. 847, otherwise known as the James Zadroga Bill, was signed by President Obama in an effort to provide services and compensation for those whose health was compromised through exposure to the toxic dust and gases at Ground Zero. However, these first responders also need help to understand how their illnesses originated so that improvements in treatment can be made. In response to this need, concerned citizens should consider the possible correlation between evidence for energetic materials at the WTC and the environmental exposures which appear to have caused so many illnesses in the first responders.

The 9/11 first responders suffer from a range of different illnesses, some of which are rare in the general population. Some of the illnesses can be attributed to the high pH of the WTC dust. We know the extent of the pH problem thanks to EPA whistleblower, Dr. Cate Jenkins.[1] The very high pH of the dust inhaled by 9/11 first responders is a probable cause for the general deterioration of lungs and their function, due to the dust’s corrosive state. As Dr. Jenkins wrote, “Corrosivity would have acted directly to cause respiratory chemical burns, and also would have increased the toxic properties of other pollutants from the WTC by facilitating their entry into the body through the respiratory system.”

Commonly observed conditions among first responders include reactive airways dysfunction syndrome (RADS), caused by exposure to high concentrations of irritants such as caustic and metallic dusts; upper respiratory illnesses such as sinusitis and laryngitis; and lower respiratory disorders such as asthma and what is known as World Trade Center cough.

LInk to the rest of the article Energetic Materials as a Potential Cause of the 9/11 First Responder Illnesses

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